On Thursday and Friday, New Delhi is hosting the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting, a critical summit unfolding just as U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping convene in Beijing. As the 2026 chair of the expanded bloc, India faces the formidable challenge of navigating deep internal rivalries among new members and the ongoing fallout of the Iran war, ahead of the annual leaders’ meeting it will host this September.

India places significant strategic value on BRICS, utilizing the forum to balance its relations between Western powers and other key global players. Despite critics dismissing the group as merely a talk shop, New Delhi has consistently championed the bloc’s focus on engaging the global south, pursuing United Nations reform, and creating alternatives to Western sanctions.

The bloc’s recent expansion—adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates to the foundational roster of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—underscores its rising global appeal. This 2024-25 expansion was the first since South Africa’s entry in 2010. Discontent with the U.S.-led global order was vividly on display at the 2024 leaders’ summit in Russia, which attracted representatives from 35 nations and international bodies, including the U.N. secretary-general. Furthermore, Trump’s recent threats to slap 100 percent tariffs on BRICS nations if they attempt to undermine the U.S. dollar highlight the group’s growing geopolitical clout.

Yet, this expanded influence brings severe internal hurdles. Because BRICS operates on consensus, the fractured relations among its new members leave it highly susceptible to paralysis. Iran and the UAE are deeply at odds, while Egypt and Ethiopia share a tense relationship. Additionally, Saudi Arabia, which participates in BRICS activities without formal membership, remains a fierce rival of Iran. India’s own ties with Tehran are delicate, strained by New Delhi’s deepening partnerships with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

The ongoing Iran war has exacerbated these tensions, potentially derailing any efforts to release a unified joint statement. Because Iran and the UAE are unlikely to agree on anything regarding the conflict, China—a cornerstone BRICS member—has opted against sending a high-level representative to New Delhi this week, dispatching its ambassador to India instead.

For New Delhi, however, this gridlock offers a silver lining. With the exception of Iran, the new members maintain strong ties with the West, preventing the bloc from adopting a strictly anti-Western posture, which aligns with India’s interests. Furthermore, the conflict may stall long-standing proposals that India views with skepticism, such as the establishment of a BRICS bank designed to bypass the Western-led economic architecture that India relies upon. Nevertheless, a watered-down, vague joint statement remains the most probable outcome—a disappointing prospect for an Indian government that prides itself on hosting substantive, high-profile global forums.

Meanwhile, on the domestic front, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged citizens to adopt austerity measures during a Sunday rally in Telangana, responding to domestic fuel shortages. He advised the public to minimize the use of diesel and fuel, work from home, and curtail international travel.

This directive contradicts recent assertions by other senior Indian officials, who defiantly maintained that energy supplies were sufficient to prevent price hikes, even as neighboring South Asian governments issued stark warnings about fuel scarcities. The shift in messaging appears politically motivated. Following successful state election results for Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) last week, the ruling administration now seems to have the political capital to acknowledge vulnerabilities. Still, officials remain cautious; on Tuesday, Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Hardeep Singh Puri seemingly contradicted the prime minister by denying any fuel shortage, likely in a bid to prevent public anxiety and panic-buying.

In neighboring Pakistan, Islamabad is managing diplomatic fallout regarding its role in the Iran war. On Monday, CBS News cited unnamed U.S. officials claiming Pakistan permitted Iranian military jets to park at an air force base near the garrison city of Rawalpindi, potentially shielding them from American airstrikes. Pakistan swiftly rejected the report, stating the aircraft arrived following last month’s brokered cease-fire to transport Iranian delegates for talks with U.S. representatives in Islamabad. According to Pakistani officials, some personnel and jets remained in anticipation of a second round of negotiations that have yet to materialize.

Concurrently, CNN reported that Trump administration officials are increasingly dissatisfied with Pakistan’s mediation efforts. Washington reportedly fears that Islamabad is failing to communicate Trump’s frustrations to Tehran while simultaneously presenting a misleadingly optimistic view of Iran’s position to the U.S. president. Both reports serve as the latest reminder of the delicate geopolitical tightrope Pakistan continues to walk.